Thursday, November 28, 2019

Sunday, November 24, 2019

Thermoplastic vs. Thermoset Resins (Composites)

Thermoplastic vs. Thermoset Resins (Composites) Thermoplastic  polymer  resins are extremely common, and we come in contact with thermoplastic resins constantly. Thermoplastic resins are most commonly unreinforced, meaning, the resin is formed into shapes and have no reinforcement providing strength. Examples of common thermoplastic resins used today, and products manufactured by them include: PET  - Water and soda bottlesPolypropylene - Packaging containersPolycarbonate - Safety glass lensesPBT - Childrens toysVinyl - Window framesPolyethylene  - Grocery bagsPVC - PipingPEI - Airplane armrestsNylon  - Footwear Many thermoplastic products use short discontinuous fibers as a reinforcement. Most commonly fiberglass, but  carbon fiber  too. This increases the  mechanical properties  and is technically considered a fiber reinforced composite, however, the strength is not nearly as comparable to continuous fiber reinforced composites. In general, FRP composites refers to the use of reinforcing fibers with a length of 1/4 or greater. Recently, thermoplastic resins have been used with  continuous fiber  creating structural composite products. There are a few distinct advantages and disadvantages thermoplastic composites have against thermoset composites.​ Advantages of Thermoplastic Composites There are two major advantages of thermoplastic composites. The first is that many thermoplastic resins have an increased impact resistance of comparable thermoset composites. In some instances, the difference is as high as 10 times the impact resistance. The other major advantage of thermoplastic composites is the ability reform. See, raw thermoplastic composites, at room temperature, are in a solid state. When heat and pressure impregnate a reinforcing fiber, a  physical change  occurs; not a chemical reaction as with a thermoset. This allows thermoplastic composites to be reformed and reshaped. For example, a pultruded thermoplastic composite rod could be heated and remolded to have a curvature. This is not possible with thermosetting resins. This also allows for the recycling of the thermoplastic composite at end of life. (In theory, not yet commercial). Properties and Benefits of Thermoset Resins Traditional Fiber Reinforced Polymer Composites, or FRP Composites for short, use a thermosetting resin as the matrix, which holds the structural fiber firmly in place. Common thermosetting resin includes: Polyester ResinVinyl Ester ResinEpoxyPhenolicUrethane The most common thermosetting resin used today is a polyester resin, followed by vinyl ester and epoxy. Thermosetting resins are popular because of uncured, at room temperature, they are in a liquid state. This allows for convenient impregnation of reinforcing fibers such as fiberglass, carbon fiber, or Kevlar. As mentioned, a room temperature liquid resin is easy to work with. Laminators can easily remove all air during manufacturing, and it also allows the ability to rapidly manufacture products using a vacuum or positive pressure pump. (Closed Molds Manufacturing) Beyond ease of manufacturing, thermosetting resins can exhibit excellent properties at a low raw material cost. Properties of thermoset resins include: Excellent resistance to solvents and corrosivesResistance to heat and high temperatureFatigue strengthTailored elasticityExcellent adhesionExcellent finishing (polishing, painting, etc.) In a thermoset resin, the raw uncured resin molecules are crossed linked through a catalytic chemical reaction. Through this chemical reaction, most often exothermic, the resin creates extremely strong bonds with one another, and the resin changes state from a liquid to a solid. A thermosetting resin, once catalyzed, it can not be reversed or reformed. Meaning, once a thermoset composite is formed, it cannot be remolded or reshaped. Because of this, the recycling of thermoset composites is extremely difficult. The thermoset resin itself is not recyclable, however, there are a few new companies who have successfully removed the resin through pyrolization and are able to reclaim the reinforcing fiber. Disadvantages of Thermoplastics Because thermoplastic resin is naturally in a solid state, it is much more difficult to impersonate reinforcing fiber. The resin must be heated to the melting point, and pressure is required to impregnate fibers, and the composite must then be cooled under this pressure. This is complex and far different from traditional thermoset composite manufacturing. Special tooling, technique, and equipment must be used, many of which are expensive. This is the major disadvantage of thermoplastic composites. Advances in thermoset and thermoplastic technology are happening constantly. There is a place and a use for both, and the future of composites does not favor one over the other.

Thursday, November 21, 2019

Changing Role of HRM Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3250 words

Changing Role of HRM - Essay Example This essay explores the functions of HR department within a company and the changing role it performs nowadays. Humans have always been a critical resource for almost all organizations for a greater or lesser extent. They are diverse, necessary and at times problematic as well. Talented and capable employees are the foundation stone of a competitive edge for most organizations. Since 1900, the field of Human Resource Management has gone forward a great deal. Initially, it was only about the clerical operations of an organization and activities such as payroll, employee records and arrangement of community trips. Until 1960s and 1970s, these activities stayed under the umbrella of Personnel Development, however with the social legislations that passed in these years striking changes modified the organizational element of human resource. With great inclination towards globalization, competitions, mergers as well as acquisitions in 1990s, there was an increase in concern for costs, plan ning and implementation of strategies for both organization as well as its employees, finally compelling a structured development of a Human Resource Department. With the changing trend, the empowering of HR department is elevating. From the very basic to the very top, HR performs four different roles today. These are the roles as administrator, employee advocate, operational and strategic. While the administrative role focuses largely on the secretarial and clerical supervision, employee advocate role aims to serve as a morale officer.

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Parkinsonism and other Extrapyramidal Diseases Essay

Parkinsonism and other Extrapyramidal Diseases - Essay Example In essence, I did the best I could with what I was provided. The normal functions of the human basal ganglia have largely been deduced from the study of functional problems associated with destructive or irritative lesions. To a large degree, the deficits are in motor function and, therefore, the extrapyramidal system and basal ganglia have been associated with movement disorders. Important interconnections of the basal ganglia are the nigrostriatal pathway, and the ansa and fasciculus lenticularis, and the fasciculus thalamicus, which interconnect the globus pallidus and the ventral lateral and ventral anterior (VL-VA) nuclei of the thalamusand the VL-VA thalamocortical fibers, the subthalamopallidal pathway, striatopallidal fibers, and cerebellothalamic interconnections Parkinson's disease, first described by James Parkinson in 1817, is one of the most important disabling illnesses of later life. It is estimated to affect 1% of 70-year-olds, but is also seen in younger people, with 10% of cases occurring before the age of 50. Parkinson's disease is one of the most common neurodegenerative diseases, but estimating its incidence and prevalence is problematic, since there is no 'in-life' marker for idiopathic Parkinson's disease; estimates of the annual incidence of Parkinson's disease are in the range of 4 to 20 per 100000 individuals. A widely accepted figure for the prevalence of Parkinson's disease is approximately 200 per 100,000 populations. In the UK, there are approximately 120,000 to 130,000 diagnosed cases, but there may be many more that remain undiagnosed. In the USA, it is estimated that between 750,000 and 1.5 million people have the disease. ( Ref) Age, Sex, and Ethnicity Both the incidence and prevalence of Parkinson's disease increase with age, and the prevalence may be as high as 1 in 50 for patients over the age of 80 years. Men are 1.5 times more likely than women to develop the condition are. Hospital-based studies have suggested that Parkinson's disease is less common in the black population. Pathology The main pathological feature of Parkinson's disease is the degeneration of neuromelanin-containing neurons in the pars compacta of the substantia nigra. Examination with the naked eye reveals pallor of this area, which is confirmed microscopically by a marked decrease in the number of neuromelanin-containing cells and the presence of Lewy bodies in the remaining nigral neurons. Degeneration of pigmented neurons in the brainstem is not limited to the nigra but extends to the locus ceruleus and the dorsal motor nucleus of the vagus. Neuronal Degeneration The cause of neuronal degeneration in Parkinson's disease is unknown. The susceptible neurons are located in astroglial-poor regions such as the ventral tier. Glia may offer neuroprotection by providing neurotrophic factors that prevent cell death. Several hypotheses for neuronal degeneration have been proposed, including: oxidative stress, induced by dopamine metabolism or other factors defective mitochondrial energy metabolism excitotoxin- and xenobiotic-related cell death programmed cell death (apoptosis) to the medial

Monday, November 18, 2019

GOVT 480-DB4 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

GOVT 480-DB4 - Essay Example n to the New Testament, where we can find many proofs of their presence on the land:  «But when they persecute you in this city, flee ye into another: for verily I say to you, Ye shall not have gone over the cities of Israel, till the Son of man shall have come ». (Matt. 10:23) Actually, Palestine is not even mentioned in the New Testament. The calling to the creation of one state for two peoples can destroy the state of Israel. The only state, which is the motherland of Jews, will disappear. The long and tragic history of Jews testifies that they should have their own independent state. The awful tragedy that happened to Jews in the past century when one third of Jews were killed also proved the necessity of Jewish state creation. The elimination of Israel will bring to the end all the hopes of Jews to live and exist. The idea of creation of one state for two peoples is supported by those whose hate towards Jews is stronger that the desire to help

Friday, November 15, 2019

What Drives Conflict Fragile States Greed Or Creed Politics Essay

What Drives Conflict Fragile States Greed Or Creed Politics Essay Under what conditions if any can Greed, Grievance and Creed be said to steer conflict in fragile states? The concept of fragile states has become very noticeable and that it is being related first and foremost to the United States national security doctrine of September 2002 and the assumed right to intervene preemptively as in Iraq has rightly turned many into skeptics toward this new consensus. It must be said, however, that while there are considerable reasons for that concern, the issues it raises are real. Greed, Grievance and Creed are concepts that seem to be basic in todays conflict. With the end of Cold War bipolarity this is a question that has become of significant importance, prompted by the increasingly visible self-financing nature of rebel movements within intrastate conflicts (Ballentine Sherman, 2003) State failure presents a genuine threat to the international system of globalization, partly, because the system derives its existence based on states and partly, because state failure is the primary cause of armed conflict, civil war, and the everyday threats to the security of people living within the territory of such states. Recent arguments and evidence suggest that fragile states are rooted in causes that reflect a combination of greed and grievance (Collier, 2000). The more widely accepted explanations generally focus on the grievance dimension, which assumes some form of resource or political deprivation (eg. Gurr, 1970; 2000). The greed explanation on the other hand assumes that rebels act in pursuit of self-interest material gain. Oil, diamonds, timber, precious stones and other primary commodities form the basis of the contestable resources over which rebels fight their governments. The term greed, moreover, serves as a convenient appellation to describe self-interested be haviour and the resources available to pay selective benefits. In effect, a strong resource base serves as a mechanism for mobilization Grievance-based issues are at the core of the process that leads to civil conflict in fragile states, but greed becomes salient when the rebel leadership begins to face a difficult task of motivating soldiers. In effect, grievance leads to collective behaviour, but defection is always a problem so rebel leaders resort to selective benefits that tap into self-interested behaviour. That is, since preferences of the leadership and soldiers generally differ, the leaders must pay selective benefits to keep rebel soldiers from defecting. This is made easier when extractable resources are contested and controlled by rebel forces. The most visible instances currently involve Sub-Saharan African countries trading in easily extractable diamonds, but the opiate trade in Asia and South America also reflects this role of exploitable resources as one mechanism fo r fuelling conflict. My argument proceeds as follows. First, I would ground this discussion in a general body of literature, for which the greed explanation provides a small but influential component. Next, present a theoretical framework from which to think about the role of self interested versus collective behaviour in conflict of fragile states and also showing other mechanisms affecting greed. I would also discuss the theories of greed and grievance and their effects on fragile states. Greed theorists (Collier 2000; Giuliano 2006) contend that grievances do not affect the probability of conflict as grievances are a constant factor in ethnic conflicts and thus have no explanatory power. So, although this essay offers no direct support of the greed hypothesis they do, indirectly challenge their contention that grievances can be ignored as a contributing factor in explaining the decision of ethnic groups to move to violence to achieve their political goals. GRIEVE VERSUS GRIEVIANCE The greed versus grievance dichotomy is a useful entry point into the debate about the causes of conflict in fragile states. In certain instances, where there are substantial quantities of capturable natural resource and wealth present such as alluvial diamonds, oil or drugs, greed may be the dominant factor prolonging conflict, but without group formation (for which some historical grievances are important) violent collective action cannot take place. In short, grievances can be present without greed, but it is difficult to sustain greedy motives without some grievances. Although greed and grievance are regarded as competing views, they may be complementary, as greed may lead to grievances and vice versa. The greed or grievance explanations (or some hybrid form of both) may be necessary for the outbreak of civil war, but arguably they are not sufficient. This is because the causes contribute to the risk of conflict, yet some societies despite having conditions pre-disposing them to civil war, such as horizontal inequality, polarisation and natural resource rents, do not descend into conflict. I argue that for the forces behind either greed or grievance to take the form of large-scale violence there must be other factors at work. GRIEVIANCES AND CREED AS CONFLICT DRIVERS Greed generates grievances and rebellion, legitimising further greed (Keen 2008: 32) Grievance borne of deprivation is an individual concern that manifests itself collectively. In the context of conflict or rebellion, grievance is sometimes described as a justice-seeking motivation. The discussion in this section on grievances begins with grievance based theories of conflict before moving on to measurement issues. THE THEORY OF GRIEVIANCE The grievance approach contends that the probability that an ethnic group will resort to violence can be explained by the level of aggravation/relative deprivation they feel toward their wider society. There are two components to grievance; underlying and proximate. Underlying grievance level is a function of several contextual factors including level of autonomy; conditions compared to those under the previous regime; ability to express anger or dissatisfaction; and satisfaction on other issues. Proximate grievance is a function of the issue triggering the current crisis. Issues that threaten a groups ability to freely express their identity are theorized to generate greater frustration and thus aggression than issues that are less central, or salient. Central to grievances are identity and group formation. An individuals utility may be related to his identity, specifically the relative position of the group he identifies with in the social pecking order; see Akerlof and Kranton (2000). An individual may derive utility from certain normative forms of behaviour appropriate to his identity but considered deviant by other groups, and may even face sanctions from like-minded group members if he deviates from them. This type of behavioural paradigm may be related to solving the collective action problems (Olson, 1965), without which organised large-scale violence is impossible, even if we believe conflict is primarily motivated by greed. As noted earlier, some appropriate definition of ethnicity may be a superior basis for group formation compared to social class in an ethnically homogenous society. This essay classifies theories of grievance into relative deprivation, polarization and horizontal inequality but focuses on relative deprivation. While it is important to differentiate them, some overlap amongst the three definitions is inevitable. RELATIVE DEPRIVATION The notion of relative deprivation dates back to the work of Ted Gurr (1970) who defines it as the discrepancy between what people think they deserve, and what they actually believe they can get; in short the disparity between aspirations and achievements. Thus, educational achievements may raise the aspirations of young people, but they will become frustrated if unemployed, occasionally venting their feelings in mass political violence. Gurr puts forward the following hypothesis, the potential for collective violence varies strongly with the intensity and scope of relative deprivation among members of a collectivity (p.24). This lays down the notion of relative deprivation as the micro-foundation for conflict. Relative deprivation is considered to be a major cause of internal conflicts, civil wars as well as sectarian and routine violence. The applications vary across ethno-communal lines, regional boundaries, societal class, or just the feeling of being relatively deprived vis-à   -vis the general situation. In the eastern Indonesian province of Maluku, the traditionally privileged Christians group felt relatively deprived against the rising Muslim community economically and politically, which resulted in the bloodiest Muslim-Christian conflict in the countrys history (Tadjoeddin, 2003). Similar statements centring on unemployment could be made about the Catholic-Protestant cleavage in Northern Ireland. In Nepal, the lack of development in remote rural districts of the country fuelled the Maoist insurgency (Murshed and Gates, 2005). Another type of violence can be described as routine. Tadjoeddin and Murshed (2007) examine the socio-economic origins of this type of violence in Java, Indonesia. It is centred on vigilante violence/popular justice and inter-group/neighbourhood brawls. Routine violence covers group or collective violence, and it is different from individual violence, domestic violence, or homicide-which can simply be labelled as crime. The theoretical underpinnings for routine violence are similar to those utilised to explain mass political violence short of internal war in Hibbs (1973). Using panel data analysis of count data, Tadjoeddin and Murshed (2007) examine the relationship between routine violence on one hand, and growth, poverty, and level of development (including education) on the other hand. The relationships between violence and the levels of education and income are non-linear in the form of inverted-U-shape curves. The reason for this is as follows: starting from low levels of averag e income and educational attainment, when this rise slightly there is much to compete over and quarrel about; this tendency, however, declines with further increases in income and education, as there is much more to lose from violence and as such, grievance begins to build up. Another explanation is the feeling of being relatively deprived since rising education is not automatically followed by rising income. The roots of revolution, conflict and civil war is the misdistribution of resources within society that affects disproportionately particular communities of people. In effect, deprivation writ large borders on a necessary condition for conflict, though deprivation is not a sufficient condition. Lichbach (1994:389) captures this notion of individual motivation by articulating what scholars see as several truths of peasant upheavals: 1) Peasants are unconcerned with broad purposes, philosophical systems, political theories, and the likes; 2) Peasant grievances are specific and well defined, limited and local; 3) Peasant actions are designed to satisfy material self interest, and therefore; 4) Peasants willà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ participate in collective action when they stand to gain particularistic benefits. The rebel elite, on the other hand, are willing to risk more, but also portend to gain more if they are successful even if success entails a compromise outcome. That is, their motivation for leading a rebellion will be more in line with altering the material and political resources of a collective people over self interested accumulation. In effect, in pursuit of this broad goal the rebel elite will organize those for whom the deprivation is personal, and when necessary pay selective benefit to keep rebel soldiers in the fold. Put differently, grievances are not socially constructed by rebel entrepreneurs (Collier, 2000), but instead lie at the core of the motivation to organize in response to the maldistribution of resources, such as land (Midlarsky, 1988) income (eg. Muller and Seligison, 1987), or political access. Initially, such involvement brings with it very little cost. However, as the state begins to respond to what it perceives as a threat, costs will be incurred at the individual level (Regan and Henderson, 2002; Gartner and Regan, 1996). As the cost of protest or rebellion increase a rational individual will look to defect from the movement, unless the rebel leader can find a way to counterbalance the costs by way of selective benefits. As the opposition movement germinates the requirements of the selective benefits can be rather low, but as the threat to the state increases, so does the level of repression and subsequently the demands by rebel soldiers for selective side payments. That is, there is a distinction between the onset of protest and the onset of higher levels of civil conflict. Mobilization may be a necessary condition for civil conflict but non-violent protest and violent rebellion are distinct. This is evident in the data on Minorit ies at Risk (Gurr, 2000). Because initial mobilization may carry minimal cost, grievances may well be sufficient to motivate the disaffected to participate in protest activities. In economic terms the cost of rebel labour is low because the size of the potential labour pool is large. However, the costs associated with full scale conflict or civil war are such that only the provision of selected benefits that outweigh the costs imposed by the state for participation can spur an individual to remain committed to the cause, and protection may be the most important side payment (eg. Heath et al,2000). Mason (1996; and with Heath et al, 2000) poses the question of when the non-elite will support the rebels or the government. Presumably each individual has the option of whether to lend support to one side or both sides, or neither sides, and that choice is predicted on maximizing their utility for a given level of effort. Three factors usually influence the conditions under which non-elite support a rebel movement: anticipated benefits, costs, and estimates of the likelihood that support for one group would be detected by the other. In the latter instance the costs are incurred when participation is detected. Using a maximization model analogy to the choice between paying or evading taxes, Mason demonstrates that when there are public benefits from rebel participation (ie, non-excludable), then rebel support will be largely a function of the fear of punishment if their support is detected (1996:70). When fear of detection is high the rebel leadership must resort to paying selective benefits (excludable). However, when the rebels control a specific region and rebel soldiers can be adequately protected, selective benefits can be reduced in proportion to the amount of protection offered by the rebels. Protection comes primarily in the form of shielding participants from the political repression meted out by the state, such that as the state increases repression more people will mobilize around the rebel cause in order to avoid the abuse at the hands of the state. The general arguments present a picture of a group that seeks redress from its absolute or relative level of deprivation, most often a result of formal or informal government policies to channel resources in particular patterns. This distribution of resources or maldistribution increases the incentives for the non-elite to support the elite who are organizing an armed challenge to state authority. But rebel soldiers act rationally and only support a movement when they expect to gain materially from participation. Absent a strong philosophical attraction to the rebel movement the soldiers will be motivated most directly by the provision of both excludable and non-excludable benefits. Both the state and the rebel- elite campaign for the support of the masses by providing a mix of protection, punishment and benefits. My argument suggests that the importance of economic incentives, or at the extreme, greed, depends on two factors: the level of repression a state administers toward suspected rebels, and the amount of protection the rebel movement can provide the individual. When repression is high the individual will be more concerned with protection, thereby decreasing the importance of economic concerns. In effect the excludable good provided by the rebel elite is protection against acts of violence perpetrated by the state. However, as coercion by the government decreases, concerns over protection gives way to those of income with the result that the individual participant must be paid for by means of some other excludable good, which we might think about in terms of income paid for their labour. The escalation from political protest to civil violence, conflict or war is a function of the actions and reactions of the rebels and the state, and I can argue that, it follows an identifiable sequence (Moore, 2000; 1998). As grievances lead to opposition against state policies, political entrepreneurs begin to mobilize opposition supporters. The state response is to try to minimize mobilization through efforts at coercion or concession (Bayan, 2002; Regan and Henderson, 2002). As the state gets more coercive the rebel entrepreneurs have a greater opportunity to provide protection to potential supporters, possibly in spite of not being able to offer economic incentives comparable to those offered by the state (Heath et al 2000). Initially the opposition may adopt non-violent means, but as the opposition grows it will press for greater demands or concessions from the state, in part because their ability to do so has increased, but also because their constituency will reflect a wider spectrum. As the state responds with increasing repression the level of violence moves from protest to rebellion, and possibly to civil war (Gurr, 2000). From this framework we articulate a series of testable premises: 1: The greater the level of inequality the higher will be the probability of observing the onset of protest, rebellion, and conflict in fragile states. Since the ability to provide excludable or non-excludable benefits sufficient to secure the support of the masses will be partially a function of the level of discontent at the status quo position, the lower the level of absolute or relative level of penury political or material the greater the marginal utility of each increment of a public or private benefit. Therefore potential rebels can be mobilized more easily when the pre-conflict status quo position provides for a rather low level of utility. This would be reflected in the wealth of the country that is distributable (per capita GDP) and the degree to which it is distributed equitably (GINI). 2: Higher levels of political repression will decrease the likelihood of the onset of protest, but increase rebellion and civil war. Conflicts in fragile states do not emerge wholly from the wellspring of discontent, but rather move from lower levels of unrest toward large-scale violence and war. Recruitment and mobilization are critical. The ability to recruit and organize rebel soldiers will be a function of the degree of protection that can be provided in return for support, or conversely, the level of random punishment meted out by the government. Initially repression will help to dissuade potential protesters from participation, but people involved in violent forms of rebellion will respond differently to government repression. When the opposition engages in violence high levels of state repression will lead potential rebel supporters to conclude that the probability of punishment is high and approaching certainty. Under these conditions potential supporters will join the moveme nt in pursuit of protection from random punishment by the state. 3: However, given the lower cost for participation in protest activity extractable resources will have no effect on the onset of protest. The ability to pay private selective benefits only to those who participate in the rebel movement is vitally important to a movements viability. In general the government will have greater access to resources with which to pay selective benefits, even though they may choose to attempt to stifle participation through repression. In order for the rebel elite to compete with the state in providing private benefits they must obtain access to resources. Localized and easily extractable resources provide the most efficient means to generate income. Once or if they acquire access to exploitable resources these can be converted into private benefits that increase the incentives for the soldiers to maintain loyalty. The greater the ability to pay these selective benefits the more loyal the rebel soldiers and the more difficult is the task facing the state in trying to offer its own array of private benefits. The abundance of resources is only one factor highlighted by Collier and Hoeffler. The ability of a rebellion to recruit soldiers also plays a key role in making a conflict a feasible undertaking: other things equal, we might expect that the proportion of young men in a societyaged between 15-24 would be a factor influencing the feasibility of rebellion: the greater the proportion of young men, the easier it would be to recruit rebels (Collier 1999: 3). Colliers later work also emphasised the feasibility or opportunity argument over rebel motivations (or grievances), insofar that insurgent movements can only emerge and be sustained when resources are available to finance them (Aspinall 2007). Critics of Collier have argued that his position goes some way to reinforcing the World Banks mandate (Collier was employed by the World Bank at the time). As Mark Duffield (2001: 132-134) emphasises, usefully the only grievance of any relevance is rapid economic decline: in other words, poor economic management. CREED AS A CONFLICT DRIVER Soysa (2001) noted that Creed-related conflicts seem to be more prevalent in highly homogenous religious settings, particularly within largely Islamic and Catholic countries. If there is a clash of civilizations, it is much likely that it is politics rather than civilization. Zartman (2000) sees Creed itself as a need whereby everyone wants to feel some level of identity, through identifying with strong views and/or belief systems. Such needs vary according to the entity and environment, the latter being a social trend of greater significance to the current argument than the former. Individuals have a superior need to know who they are in some circumstances than in others. Three such conditions have a predominantly significant impact on the need for identity: rapid or profound change, breakdown of other identities, and discrimination. Zartman(2000) also notes that when deprivation sets in, it results in identity based conflict as collective needs for identity turns deprivation into discrimination. In addition to this insecurity sets in and eventually breeds grievance in the group. In other words, Creed is an extension of Grievance. It can be argued that creed-based rebellions may be circumvented by when governments channel resources wealth in such a way as to guarantee equitable distribution of resources or wealth. THE THEORY OF GREED Greed in this study is, defined as the predatory aspiration of rebels to grasp material wealth through illegal means short of subjective perceptions of relative deprivation. The greed motivation behind conflict has been popularised by empirical work on the causes of conflicts and war where a cross-section of conflicts in different nations is analyzed together econometrically, and greed is understudied by the availability or abundance of capturable natural resource rents. In Collier and Hoeffler (2004) conflicts stem from the greedy behaviour of a rebel group in organising an insurgency against the government. Greed is about opportunities faced by the rebel group. The opportunities can be disaggregated into three components: financing, recruitment and geography. The most common sources of rebel finance are the appropriation of natural resources, donations from sympathetic Diasporas residing abroad, contributions from foreign states (hostile to the government) or multinational companie s interested in the region. Natural resource wealth is the chief among the three in terms of its relative importance. Recruitment is about the opportunity to induct fighting manpower; something made easier when there is a high proportion of young unemployed males in population, in a setting of endemic poverty and poor education. Geographical situations favourable to rebel groups are mountainous terrain and other safe havens for insurgents. In short, greed simply means the economic opportunity to fight, and should be distinguished from socio-political grievances. Collier and Hoefflers (2004) empirical findings conclude that the set of variables representing rebel opportunity or greed akin to loot-seeking are the main reasons for civil war. By implication, the alternative hypothesis of grievance (justice-seeking) focusing on ethnic religious divisions, political repression and horizontal inequality is dismissed, although its invalidity is not formally tested for. Natural resource rents constitute booty and this f act has been used to emphasise the greed or criminal motivation for conflict in fragile states. Central to the Collier and Hoefflers empirical testing for the greed hypothesis is the role of primary commodities in the economic structure. They measure the dependence on natural resources by the share of primary commodity exports in GDP, and the validity of this metric as well as the statistical robustness of the relationship between resource rents and the risk of conflict has been called into question. Be that as it may, the combined Collier and Hoeffler greed and Fearon and Laitin (2003) messages about greed and state failure causing rebellion, conflict or civil war has had an immense influence in the media and the donor policy communitys thinking about conflict. Therefore, any theorising about greed must be based on the economic motivations for violence and criminality. Belligerents in the wars of natural-resource rich countries could be acting in ways close to what Olson (1996) referred to as roving bandits who have no encompassing interest in preserving the state or its people but are simply intent on loot-than to stationary bandits who take control of the state and seek to maximise their own profit by encouraging stability and growth in their new domain. Conflict in Fragile States motivated by the desire to control natural resource rents could also mirror warlord competition, a term that owes its origins to the violent competition between leaders attempting to control economic resources in the context of medieval Europe. Skaperdas (2002) In a nutshell, a proper greed-based theory of conflict must relate to the trade-off between production and predation in making a living, where we may view war as theft writ large. Violence is one means of appropriating the resources of others. Note, that armed conflict implies the absence of contractual interaction (Edgeworth, 1881), and is in stark contrast to the alternative method of benefiting from the endowments of others via peaceful and voluntary exchange (trade) between economic agents, groups or nations. This implies that we also need to specify the conditions under which violence becomes a viable or more attractive option relative to other alternatives. A variety of game theoretic models describing the non-cooperative and conflictive interaction between groups exist, where the object is to capture the rivals endowment by force. One such model is due to Hirshleifer (1995), where each group has a fixed resource endowment, which can be used to either produce goods for consumption or armaments to fight the other group. Groups exist in a state of non-contractual anarchy vis-à  -vis each other; this also implies the absence of enforceable property rights. The object of fighting is to capture some of the rivals endowment. Success in war is uncertain, and the probability of victory is given by a Tullock (1980) contest success function, where the probability of victory for any group is given by their own military expenditure relative to the total fighting outlay made by all protagonists. Additionally, there is a military effectiveness parameter (akin to what is known as a force multiplier in military establishments); something that raises t he effectiveness of each unit of fighting effort. In the absence of increasing returns to scale in military effectiveness, and if a minimum subsistence income is present there will be a Nash non-cooperative equilibrium associated with some fighting. In other words, in the equilibrium both (or all) parties will be engaged in some fighting with each other, as well as some productive activities; unless one side manages to conquer others due to its individual military superiority. Hirshleifer (1995) describes this as a state of anarchy -something akin to primitive tribal warfare. Note, no possibility of trade is permitted between groups. Skaperdas (1992) outlines a model that is similar because it has a fixed resource endowment which can be devoted to either production or armament. The probability of success in war also depends on a similar contest success function. Both these models, however, neglect the destructiveness of war (collateral damage), and its capacity to ravage productive capacity, additional to direct military expenditure. These models employ intermediate inputs, and not factors of production, which can be shifted between fighting and production at no cost. Secondly, there is no growth in these models, something which would raise the opportunity costs of war. A similar effect could arise from complementarities in production between groups and/or economies of scale, which would make mergers between groups or cooperation in each groups self-interest. Thirdly, the possibilities of peaceful exchange need to be limited (absent in Hirshleifer, 1995) in order to rationalise conflict. Wars can also reflect the absence of institutions which facilitate negotiation and peaceful exchange. Despite these limitations, there is much in these models that can explain the greedy behaviour as analyzed by the empirical exponents of the greed hypothesis. The presence of readily capturable natural resource based rents may make conflict more attractive when compared to peaceful production, as can a shortage of intermediate inputs due to population pressure. These resources are best regarded as a nonproduced prize such as oil or diamonds (which apart from extraction costs are like manna from heaven), whose ownership is violently contested. Secondly, contributions from a sympathetic diaspora (or aid from a super-power in the cold war era) can raise the probability of victory of a potential rebel group against the state. Also, the inability of the state to act as a Stackelberg leader in a potentially divided nation may raise the chances of war between groups in a manner similar to t he weak state capacity mechanism favoured by some political scientists (like James Fearon). For example, in the Hirshleifer (1995) model where different groups are in a state of anarchy vis-à  -vis one another, the ability of one group to behave as a Stackelberg leader reduces equilibrium fighting levels and raises each sides per-capita income. The leader, however, gains relatively less compared to followers, creating an incentive for each side to be a follower. If one group is strong and militarily more effective it will dominate other groups, and there will be no fighting in the equilibrium. This may lead to state formation, which may or

Wednesday, November 13, 2019

The Life of Joseph Conrad Essay -- Biography Biographies Essays

The Life of Joseph Conrad Joseph Conrad was born Joseph Teodor Konrad Korzenioski in 1857 in Berdichev, Ukraine. He officially changed his name to Joseph Conrad in 1886, when he became a British citizen (Liukkonen). Although Conrad discouraged people from interpreting his literature through analysis his life, his life did shape his writing. Much of his anti-imperialistic views could have sprouted in childhood, when he was under the rule of Russians the Ukraine. His father Apollo Korzeniowski was arrested for suspicious involvement in revolutionary activities (online-literature). Apollo spent much time writing plays and social satires. Although his works were not well known, they gave Joseph an early appreciation for literature. Apollo died of tuberculosis in 1869, four years the same disease claimed his wife, Conrad’s mother. Joseph, only 11, was sent to live with his uncle in Switzerland (online-literature). He went to school for a few years before convincing his uncle to let him go to sea in the mid 1870's. In that decade he made three trips to the Wes...

Sunday, November 10, 2019

Catholic Church’s responses to Nazi antisemitism

Antisemitism refers to hatred or prejudice towards the Jews. The Nazi antisemitism started in 1933 and ended in 1945 marking a period of persecution and murder of Jews in Europe by the Nazis in Germany under Hitler's ruling regime (Poliakov, 8). Background information. Hatred against the Jews was prevalent in the modern era especially in the 19th and 20th century. This led to the origin of the word antisemitism which refers to the pogroms, violence and riots propelled by governments against the Jews (Falk, 10). Pogroms and violence against the Jews were initially instigated by false beliefs that the Jews were using blood from Christian children for their religious rituals. In the 19th century, the prejudice against the Jews intensified with the formation of antisemitic political parties in Germany, Austria and France. This marked the beginning of an international conspiracy against the Jews with the component of nationalism which treated Jews as disloyal and illegal citizens. In the late 19th century, a political party named as Voelkisch movement which comprised mainly of German philosophers promoted the notion that Jews were not a part of the Germandom. Eugenic theories based on racial anthropology helped to support this notion and from this pseudoscientific ideas, the Nazi party was founded in 1919. The Nazi party which was headed by Adolf Hitler helped to promote theories of racism and hatred towards the Jews which called for their removal out of Germany. In 1933, the Nazi party was elected to power and it immediately ordered for economic boycotts against the Jews with the introduction of anti-Jewish laws. In the beginning of 1935, the anti-Jewish laws called for a total separation between the Jews and the rest of the citizens thereby legalizing a hierarchy based purely on racism. In November 1938, antisemitic groups embarked on a mission to destroyed synagogues and business establishments owned by the Jews in Germany and Austria in what is now known as the Kristallnacht. This marked the beginning of an era of destruction and mass killing for the Jews. This period is known as Nazi antisemitism and it led to a holocaust which killed millions of Jews and destroyed many more (Learner, 128-134). The catholic church has in the past faced many rows over claims that it supported Hitler and the Nazis in the racial discrimination against the Jews (Doyle, 120). However, the Roman catholic has strongly denied these claims and in fact, it highly opposed such acts of hatred against the Jews. Though the church has admitted of having failed to do its best to end the war, it has evidently affirmed its opposing stand against Hitler's regime and acts of antisemitism. This paper seeks to establish the response of the catholic church towards the Nazi antisemitism. Biblical views on antisemitism. The bible and particularly the New Testament has been singled out as having strong hostility and antagonism towards the Jews. The Gospel of John has many antisemitic phrases and episodes which refer to the Jews in a derogatory way. In John 8: 37-40 is one such phrase where Jesus was speaking to the Pharisees of how the Jews were planning to persecute Him since they did not believe in what He spoke to them about God. The book of 1 Thessalonian 2:13-15 speaks of how Churches in Judea were suffering under the hands of those people people who persecuted Jesus. It also talks about how such acts by the Jews were displeasing to God and Christians. The New Testament also adds that while on trial, a Jewish guard struck Jesus on the face for uttering ill words against the Jewish high priest (John 18: 20). Moreover, the death of Jesus preceded by brutal mockery (Matt 27: 24-39) has been entirely blamed on the Jews who mocked and persecuted Him in life and on the cross. Some theology scholars have speculated that the unnamed people who mocked Jesus while on the cross were actually Jews and they have added that though Romans were the lead executors of the prosecution and crucification of Jesus, the Jews also played a great role in the events which led to His death. The chronological events which led to the death of Jesus as stated in the New Testament led to the anti-Judaism perception held by most Christians. After the death of Jesus, the New Testament indicates that the Jewish leaders living in Jerusalem became hostile towards the followers of Jesus forcing them to stop preaching the gospel or die. Stephen who was on of the Jesus disciples was stoned to death by the Jews for going against the Jewish laws and preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ. In Acts 7: 51-58 just before his persecution, Stephen spoke to the Jews in an antisemitic way referring to them as â€Å"stiff necked, uncircumcised and opposers of the Holy Spirit. † All this instances show how the New Testament which was primarily written by the Jews who became Jesus followers contains many antisemitic passages which led to an anti-Judaism perception in the early Christian churches. The Roman Catholic Church which is one of the early churches had also had the anti-Judaism belief which has led to its association with antisemitic acts in the Nazi antisemitism. Catholic church and Nazi antisemitism. Throughout the 19th and the 20th century, the Roman Catholic Church still held on strongly to many antisemitic beliefs and the notion that the Jews led to the death of Jesus as indicated in the New Testament despite efforts to distinguish between anti-Judaism and racially instigated antisemitism. However in the early 20th century, the Catholic church made a clear distinction between good and bad antisemitism to all its followers. According to Kertzer (pp. 2-25), the bad type of antisemitism was unchristian as it advocated for hatred and racial bias against the Jews due to their background while the good type of antisemitism only served to criticize the Jewish conspiracies which sought to control all sectors of the economy in Germany for selfish wealth accumulation. At this time, many catholic bishops wrote articles criticizing such acts but when accused of being antisemitic, the bishops argued that they were strongly against any acts of hatred o r destruction plotted against the Jews. The church's response to Nazi antisemitism. Catholic church and the Christian community as a whole strongly despised the Nazi antisemitism. Kain in his popular book entitled Europe: Versailles to War-saw explains that the Nazis acts towards the Jews greatly offended Christians and led to protests by German army chaplains to Hitler in 1937 warning him of a future war in Germany due to his ungodly acts. The opposition by the catholic church response towards the Nazi antisemitism was quite straight-forward and emphatic. Catholic clergy was one of the first people who stood firmly to declare opposition towards the Nazis despite threats of persecution. Several Christians also stood firmly to oppose the Nazi antisemitism. For instance, Stauffenberg who was a devout catholic plotted Hitler's assassination in 1944 to depict his strong faith and opposition against the Jews' persecutions and killings. Stauffenberg was later killed by the Nazis after the attempts to assassinate Hitler failed. The catholic church believes on the Christian view of man made in the image and likeness of God and for this reason, every human being deserves enormous dignity regardless of race, state or background. According to Macrobio a professor at the Regina Pontifical University, Pope Pius XIII who was the leader of the Roman Catholic Church during the period of Nazi antisemitism was strongly opposed to the antisemitism and eugenic theories imposed against the Jews. A decree released by the Holy office in December 1940 by the Pope clearly condemned the killings and the racial laws put forward by Hitler and the Nazi party against the Jews. The decree stated that such killings were wrong and ungodly since they went against the natural law and all the divine precepts as defined by the Holy Bible. Throughout the war, Pius XII kept on pleading privately for a stop on the continued killings on behalf of the Jews and even after the war, he still condemned the Nazi antisemitism. In 1946 when speaking to a group of delegates in Palestine, the Pope affirmed the Church's stand on its opposition towards the persecutions carried out by Hitler and the Nazis against the Jews with no apologies. Why the church opposed Nazi antisemitism and eugenic theories. Eugenic theories are aimed at imposing discrimination to a certain group of people. For the catholic church, all men are equal in the eyes of God since humanity is not defined by neither external capabilities such as beauty nor internal characteristics such as knowledge. Every one be it a saint or a sinner is believed to be a son of God and only the father can judge whom to punish for their sins and whom to bless. Due to this fact, its wrong for the church to support the eugenic theories and antisemitic acts which seem to favor some individuals or racial groups over others. The catholic church further believes that discrimination of any kind is ungodly and unlawful regardless of whether it occurs in form of verbal racism or holocaust as in the case of the Nazi antisemitism as long as it threatens man's dignity and the church has an ultimate responsibility to oppose it by all means. Conclusion. The Pope's reactions towards the holocaust were quite complex but one clear indication is that the catholic church was against these antisemitism acts and it strongly condemned them (Schoenberg, 2). At times the Pope acted privately with attempts to help the Jews in their escapes out of Germany and he succeeded but on most occasions, the church just chose to remain quiet on issues surrounding the war with the aim of appealing neutral. The reason which might have led to continued silence by the Pope and the catholic church during the holocaust has been attributed to fear of Nazi reprisals, the notion that public speech would have had no significant effect on the war or the feeling that such speeches were likely to harm the Jews more. However, sources have shown that though the church did not directly support Nazi antisemitism, catholic anti-Judaism played a great role in fostering this hatred against the Jews. The false assumptions that most of the Nazis who participated in the killings and destruction of the Jews were Christians are unfounded and have no empirical evidence to support them. In conclusion, it can be said that the catholic church was strongly against the Nazi antisemitism but just like all other positions of power, there is still more that the church could have done to stop this war against the Jews.

Friday, November 8, 2019

Complexity And Technology Essay

Complexity And Technology Essay Complexity And Technology Essay Complexity And Technology Terren spitz asiala per.4 10/8/14 You’re at a concert, you pull out your phone and start recording. You want the video to be perfect so you can share with all your friends on Facebook. So you're staring at a screen instead of the live band. You’re there, but at the same time, you’re not really there . This is complex behavior because you're trying to live in two worlds at the same time: the real world and the digital world. When we become too technologically complex, we risk getting taken out of the here and now and begin developing a false sense of reality. One effect of being to technologically complex is getting taken out of the here and now. â€Å"That 20 somethings are so focused on their smartphone screens, so preoccupied with potential friends that the forget to be with the friends they already have.†(Robin Marantz Henig, just how many facebook friends do you need? you forget who your real friends are when you’re taken out of the here and now you have all of these other facebook friends that you have to deal with contacting them and liking their status while you have your real friends that you have to talk to, also making life even more complex. â€Å"Partly it’s a cognitive challenge just to keep track of more people than that and its time ­budgeting problem: we just don't have the time in everyday life to invest in each of those people to the extent where you can have a real relationship.†(anthropologist Robin Dunbar Oxford university.) Another effect of being too technically complex is the feeling that you have to post everything on facebook, or the anxiety you get when you receive a text

Wednesday, November 6, 2019

Examine the party scene where Romeo and Juliet first meet. What makes this scene dramatic and effective on stage Essays

Examine the party scene where Romeo and Juliet first meet. What makes this scene dramatic and effective on stage Essays Examine the party scene where Romeo and Juliet first meet. What makes this scene dramatic and effective on stage Paper Examine the party scene where Romeo and Juliet first meet. What makes this scene dramatic and effective on stage Paper There are mainly two different themes in the play Romeo and Juliet: Love and Hate. These two emotions are expressed throughout Romeo and Juliet, but are most prominent in Act 1 Scene 5.Romeo expresses his strong feelings of love for Juliet: Beauty too rich for use, for earth too dear. This shows that Romeo tries to inform Juliet of his love for her in the strongest way he can. He shows his love by saying that shes richer than anything, shes worth more than the world and that shes heavenly. The theme of love also links in with another sub theme, which is that Shakespeare often compares love to money.As a rich jewel in an Ethiops ear, again expressed by Romeo for his love to Juliet. He cant tell Juliet or anyone how much he reveres her. Romeo uses powerful images of wealth to try and give the reader an idea of how much he loves her.The first time Romeo and Juliet are brought together is at a Capulet party, when Romeo takes her hand and claims:- If I profane with my unworthiest hand thi s holy shrine, the gentle pain is this: My lips, two blushing pilgrims, ready stand smooth that rough touch with a tender kiss. By holding hands a spark is lit inside them. They talk to each other with soft romantic words. Romeo wants to steal a kiss from Juliet. He expresses words which make his lips sound as if Juliet would receive a pleasant feeling if she were to grant him a kiss. However Juliet challenges Romeo by turning his words around.For saints have hands that pilgrims hands do touch, And palm to palm is holy palmers kiss. Both Romeo and Juliet partake in a form of verbal fencing. This act of courtship makes the scene dramatic by engaging the audience to wonder if they will pursue their love. Yet after all the twisting of each others words they do kiss.For I neer saw true beauty till this night. Romeos expressions of his heavy feelings is constant. However his feelings are damaged when he finds out what family Juliet belongs to. Is she a Capulet? Romeo has news from the nu rse that his love is part of the Capulet family. Shakespeare revelation that Romeos love is one of his enemies increases the dramatic impact. Romeo is from the Montague family, who loath the Capulet family.My life is my foes dept. Romeo was deeply in love with Juliet, as if he had won a fortune, and suddenly he has fallen into great debt. This part of the play makes the scene effective on stage because it crumbles away all the romantic feelings and love, it builds up tension. Romeo and Juliet are madly in love, however they are in great danger. A disturbing emotion hits Juliet when she finds out that her lovers name is Romeo Montague. She calls for her nurse expecting to hear good words about the person who catches her eye at the party.Go ask his name. If he be married, Juliet wants to find out as much as she can about this gentleman, and when she does, it is not what she wanted to hear.His name is Romeo, and a Montague, the only son of your great enemy. The nurse breaks the bad new s to Juliet.My only love sprung from my only hate!. The one person who happened to give Juliet the feeling of love had to be the one person who would be least welcomed by her family. The remainder of her family would have the entire opposite feeling towards Romeo as Juliet had, her family already hates him.The other main theme of the play Hate is expressed in this scene also by Tybalt. Tybalt is the cousin of Juliet, a Capulet. Tybalt notices Romeo at the Capulet party, and his first instinct is to do away with him. Now, by the stock and honour of my kin, to strike him dead I hold it not a sin. A Montague is not welcome at this Capulet celebration. Tybalt believes that Romeo is only at the party to spite the Capulets and cause trouble. Shakespeare makes this scene effective on stage, by making Tybalt be able to see every move Romeo makes, where as the Montague has no awareness of him. This builds up the tension in the audience, and makes them want to know what will soon occur, they want to tell Romeo he is in danger.A villain that is hither come in spite, to scorn at our solemnity this night. With Tybalt believing this, he wants to seize the Montague before the Montague can get the Capulet. However, Tybalts uncle persuades Tybalt to leave Romeo as he does not want any trouble in front of his guests.Content thee, gentle coz, let him alone, This part of the scene makes the play dramatic by making the audience wonder if Tybalt will leave Romeo be or if he will make a great problem for the lovers, and show himself up in front of all the Capulet guests. The words said by Tybalt places Romeo in great danger, it makes the audience care for Romeo. Shakespeare makes this scene dramatic by introducing Romeo to his love, in a place where his life could end soon.Shakespeare combines the two main themes of the play very closely together in this scene. While Romeo and Juliet are expressing their love for one another, inside there is existing hate for each other which they a re not aware of. The hate is not there for them as individuals, but there for the names which they have been given. As they are winning the money, it is slowly sliding out of a hole in their pockets which they are not aware of.Shakespeare also builds up the tension for their future in this scene. The audience knowing that their families are rivals, and that there is much confusion in the air, the audience are tense to see the outcome. It is blatant to the audience at this stage that the play will either end with love or hate, but they do not know which.

Monday, November 4, 2019

Scale in Space Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Scale in Space - Essay Example While the earth has the biotic diversity with defining interactions, little evidence exists to show possible existence of life in the other planets. This induces uncertainty and prompts need for research amidst theories that people have help about the universe. Efforts by astronomers, into developed knowledge about each planet of the solar system has however developed awareness of each planet’s potential and helped to dispel wrong perspectives that people had developed, and held on, about the planets (Trimble 19). Information exist that demonstrate order in the universe, an arrangement whose existence is known but whose origin and history remains a mystery that only scientific research can unlock. The course has however, and through different approaches, been helpful in developing knowledge on the solar system. Its content that covers much information about the solar system has been informative, and independent research on emerging issues and concerns on existing theories on the solar system has improved my understanding of the system. One of the lessons that I have learnt about the universe is its long-term existence, dating back to more than 38 million years ago. I have also developed insights into forces around the universe that hat has sustained it (Trimble 37). In addition, I have developed great insights from the course with the need to preserve the universe as an important responsibility that human beings have. In understanding the role of the earth in the universe, the course has info rmed me of the need for human beings to be effectively involved in ensuring sustainability of the universe. Even though natural mechanisms exist, initiated and facilitated by different elements of the solar system, which ensures sustainability of the solar system, humans must play an active role in the sustainability through controlling

Friday, November 1, 2019

Philosophy Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 2

Philosophy - Assignment Example of the things they say seem to parallel one another in that the same self-value is recognized though Kant says it is autonomous and comes from within and Mill seems to think it okay to take advantage of others to some degree in order to derive physical pleasure over pain. Kant was a believer in the â€Å"freedom of will† or what we call free will as it pertains to the individual. He also believed that we don’t morally sacrifice our conscience or what is â€Å"good† about us just to meet some expedient need. Mill seems to make the argument that self-preservation comes first. He isn’t going so far as to say it’s okay to trample on others for personal pleasure of the highest degree, but that self-valuation holds the highest place on the ladder. Kant believes that any reasonably sane adult, in possession of rationality and the need to be autonomous (separated from the crowd) in his moral beliefs, will answer the question â€Å"What should I do?† (in this situation) with a two-fold set of beliefs: How will it affect me, and how will it affect others? Moral virtue plus complete happiness equals Highest Good. What is our obligation, our duty, or the good will we must show others when making a determination about how to conduct ourselves in the moral universe? In Mill’s world, the only life’s happiness to be found is in rote self-gratification and the only thing mankind need fret himself about is making certain (s)he is surrounded with only that which makes him feel pleasure and no pain. All else is ‘morally’ expendable, meaning there is no such thing, really, as guilt if the person who derived the pleasurable benefit is happy. Then Kant unwittingly crosses that by saying (close enough) that true happiness comes from within. Mill’s hedonistic stance is that there is no moral guide or judge when a person is pleasuring themselves and that no one has to be surrounded by anything or anyone that does not make them happy or give them their highest pleasures in